SANDF
By Thabo Mosia
Pretoria, 16 March 2025 – The co-chairpersons of South Africa’s Joint Standing Committee on Defence, Malusi Gigaba and Phiroane Phala, have thrown their weight behind the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) decision to pull its troops out of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), ending the mandate of the SADC Mission in the DRC (SAMIDRC). This move, agreed upon at an Extraordinary Summit of SADC Heads of State, comes after a tough year marked by the deaths of 14 South African National Defence Force (SANDF) soldiers amid a worsening security crisis in eastern DRC. While celebrating the shift to diplomacy, the leaders are now pressing Defence Minister Angie Motshekga for a clear plan on how the SANDF will exit safely.
A Strategic Pivot to Peace Talks
The decision to terminate SAMIDRC’s mandate isn’t a retreat, but a bold step towards peace, according to Gigaba and Phala. After months of bloody clashes with the M23 rebel group, SADC leaders opted for a “phased withdrawal” of troops from South Africa, Malawi, and Tanzania, who’ve been battling alongside the Congolese army (FARDC) since December 2023. The mission, meant to stabilise eastern DRC, hit a wall as M23 seized key cities like Goma and Bukavu, leaving 19 SADC soldiers dead, including 14 from the SANDF.
Gigaba stressed that this isn’t the end of SADC’s commitment to the DRC. “The recommitment by SADC Heads of State to support other interventions aimed at bringing lasting peace and security in the DRC reaffirms our belief that dialogue should be placed at the centre of efforts to resolve the DRC conflict,” he said. For him, peace isn’t just about silencing guns—it’s the key to unlocking economic growth for the DRC and its neighbours, including South Africa.
The committee cheered SADC’s plan to team up with the East African Community (EAC) to blend the Luanda and Nairobi peace processes. These initiatives, led by Angola and Kenya, aim to broker talks between the DRC government and rebel groups like M23. The Luanda process, backed by Angolan President João Lourenco, has gained traction, with talks set for 18 March 2025 in Luanda, as reported by Reuters. Meanwhile, the Nairobi process focuses on disarming militias. Merging these efforts could finally bring a ceasefire, something the committee has begged all sides to embrace.
The Human Cost of a Failed Mission
The SAMIDRC’s story is one of ambition undone by reality. Launched with an offensive mandate to crush M23 and other rebels, the mission saw South Africa send over 1,000 troops, joined by smaller contingents from Malawi and Tanzania. But the rebels, allegedly backed by Rwanda, proved too strong. By January 2025, M23 had trapped SADC forces in Goma and Sake, forcing a surrender, according to allAfrica.com. The death toll—14 South Africans, plus five from Malawi and Tanzania—piled pressure on SADC to rethink its approach.
Families back home felt the sting. In February 2025, News24 reported SANDF widows pleading for their loved ones’ bodies to be returned, while soldiers penned desperate letters begging to come home. “We’re sitting ducks here,” one wrote, a sentiment echoed by defence expert Darren Olivier of the African Defence Review, who told Primedia Plus that SADC troops had “no way out unless they negotiate with M23.” The mission’s failure wasn’t just tactical—SANDF’s stretched budget, 70% eaten up by salaries, left little for gear, with only one working C-130 plane, per Central News SA.
Why Clarity Matters Now
While the withdrawal is a relief, Gigaba and Phala aren’t popping champagne yet. The “phased withdrawal” sounds good on paper, but the details are fuzzy. “We will schedule an urgent meeting to get the envisioned phased plan of action to implement the decision by Heads of State,” Phala said, pushing for a sit-down with Motshekga. They want answers on how the SANDF will pull out without losing more lives or leaving gear behind for rebels to snatch.
The stakes are high. Eastern DRC’s chaos—fuelled by M23’s advance and a humanitarian crisis with over 8,500 deaths this year, per Congolese stats—makes any retreat tricky. The committee’s worried about “Prime Mission Equipment,” like vehicles and weapons, which could fall into the wrong hands if not handled right. The Democratic Alliance (DA) echoed this in TimesLIVE, urging Motshekga to ensure “combat equipment isn’t left exposed to our adversaries.”
Then there’s the MONUSCO angle. Some SANDF troops will stay in DRC under the UN’s stabilisation mission, which has lost two South Africans this year, per Al Jazeera. “This meeting must also address the implications of the withdrawal related to the soldiers that will remain part of MONUSCO, as well as the assessment of the associated security risks,” Phala insisted. With M23 controlling key airports like Goma and Kavumu, per a February EAC-SADC report, getting everyone out safely is no small ask.
South Africa’s DRC Dilemma
The DRC mission has long tested South Africa’s military muscle. In Budget 2025, the SANDF got a R5 billion boost for peacekeeping, a chunk earmarked for SAMIDRC, per government records. Yet, experts like Olivier argue it’s too little, too late. “The withdrawal’s overdue,” he told allAfrica.com, pointing to SANDF’s outdated kit and top-heavy ranks—too many generals, not enough boots or bullets.
This isn’t South Africa’s first DRC rodeo. Since the 1990s, it’s poured troops into UN missions there, losing dozens over decades. The SAMIDRC was meant to be different—a regional flex to show SADC could handle its backyard. Instead, it’s exposed cracks. The South African National Defence Union told TimesLIVE last year about troops lacking basics like boots, a far cry from the R3 billion SA-DRC trade corridor launched in 2024 to boost commerce, per BusinessLIVE. Peace, it seems, is the missing link to make that dream work.
A Region at a Crossroads
SADC’s exit isn’t just about South Africa—it’s a regional reset. Malawi and Tanzania, too, mourned losses, with SADC leaders offering “deepest condolences” in their 13 March communique, chaired by Zimbabwe’s Emmerson Mnangagwa. The bloc’s now banking on diplomacy, nodding to the UN’s Resolution 2773 and the 2003 Sun City Agreement as peace blueprints, per The Namibian. But history’s not kind—Sun City’s promises faded fast, and DRC’s mineral-rich east remains a rebel playground.
The M23 mess traces back to the 1994 Rwandan genocide fallout, with Congo’s vast cobalt and gold stoking endless fights. Over 7 million are displaced, per UN stats, and Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi’s refusal to talk to M23—until Angola’s nudge—hasn’t helped. Rwanda’s Foreign Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe called SADC’s pullout “a good decision” for peace, per Yahoo News, but analysts warn it could embolden rebels if talks flop.
Voices from the Ground
For SANDF troops, this is personal. “We’ve been begging to leave for months,” a soldier told Briefly.co.za anonymously, describing low morale and constant danger. Families echo that. “My son died for what?” a Goma widow asked News24. Back in Pretoria, Gigaba and Phala know the human cost can’t be ignored. Their push for clarity isn’t just policy—it’s a plea to bring sons and daughters home whole.
Civilians in DRC feel it too. Goma resident Marie Nzola told France24, “SADC came to help, but now we’re alone again with M23.” The rebels’ grip on Bukavu last month, per BBC, has locals bracing for worse. Yet, hope flickers—Angola’s talks could shift the tide if Tshisekedi bites.
What’s Next for SANDF?
The committee’s call for a Motshekga briefing is urgent. SANDF’s got to juggle a messy exit while keeping MONUSCO troops safe. Defence analyst Helmoed-Römer Heitman told BusinessLIVE that “logistics will be the killer”—moving gear through rebel turf needs airlifts or deals with M23, neither guaranteed. The DA’s Kobus Marais added, “SA must either properly fund SANDF or scale back these missions.”
SADC’s promised “continued engagement” with EAC and others is the lifeline. The Luanda talks, backed by Lourenco’s mediation, might force Tshisekedi and M23 to the table, per The Africa Report. Success there could ease SANDF’s exit, but failure risks a vacuum—something South Africa, stretched thin, can’t afford to police alone.
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